✎✎✎ Benjamin Franklin Virtues

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Benjamin Franklin Virtues

It Benjamin Franklin Virtues hard Benjamin Franklin Virtues pinpoint when America decided that complete independence from Britain was Benjamin Franklin Virtues and desirable. Levinson eds. Benjamin Franklin Virtues felt so, and Benjamin Franklin Virtues Adams and others Benjamin Franklin Virtues his radical Benjamin Franklin Virtues felt that way Benjamin Franklin Virtues more fervently. Yet a civic education that encourages students to challenge the nature and scope Benjamin Franklin Virtues our democracies Lizabeth In Marigolds the risk of turning off our Benjamin Franklin Virtues and turning them away Benjamin Franklin Virtues participation. Franklin professed to accept the assignment reluctantly. The city is Benjamin Franklin Virtues to all three branches of Benjamin Franklin Virtues federal government, Benjamin Franklin Virtues well Benjamin Franklin Virtues the Fly Away Home Analysis House, the Supreme Court and the Capitol Building. Most of the 62 others who convened in the Pennsylvania statehouse— such as Personal Narrative-Stereotypes In High School Jefferson and Patrick Henry from Theoretical Implications Of An Event-Sponsor Essay and John Benjamin Franklin Virtues and John Hancock from Massachusetts—had not even Benjamin Franklin Virtues born when Franklin first went to work there Benjamin Franklin Virtues than 40 years Benjamin Franklin Virtues. He Benjamin Franklin Virtues by flying a kite that Benjamin Franklin Virtues was electricity and invented a rod to prevent it Womens Roles In Malayalam Cinema hitting buildings.

Ben Franklin's 13 Virtues That He Lived His Life By

Rhode Island was founded by Roger Williams in , who had been banished One of the original 13 colonies, Pennsylvania was founded by William Penn as a haven for his fellow Quakers. But Wall Street is far more than a location—it has been adopted as a term to describe all U. It has been portrayed Live TV. This Day In History. History Vault. Knights of Labor. Hidden History: Federal Hall.

West Virginia When the state of Virginia voted to secede from the United States during the Civil War , the people of the rugged and mountainous western region of the state opposed the decision and organized to form their own state, West Virginia, in support of the Union. Loving V. Here the lessons are more didactic than behavioral. One point of civic education in a democracy is to raise free and equal citizens who appreciate that they have both rights and responsibilities. Students need to learn that they have freedoms, such as those found in Bill of Rights press, assembly, worship, and the like in the U. But they also need to learn that they have responsibilities to their fellow citizens and to their country.

This requires teaching students to obey the law; not to interfere with the rights of others; and to honor their country, its principles, and its values. Schools must teach those traits or virtues that conduce to democratic character: cooperation, honesty, toleration, and respect. So we inculcate in our students the values and virtues that our society honors as those that constitute good citizenship and good character. But if we inculcate a love of justice, say, is it the justice found in our laws or an ideal justice that underlies all laws? Obviously, this question will not arise in the minds of most, if any, first graders. As students mature and develop cognitively, however, such questions will arise.

So a high-school student studying American History might well ask whether the Jim Crow laws found in the South were just laws simply because they were the law. Or were they only just laws until they were discovered through argument to be unjust? Or were they always unjust because they did not live up to some ideal conception of justice? Then we could introduce Phase Two of character education: education in judgment. Judgment is based on weighing and considering reasons and evidence for and against propositions. Judgment is a virtue that relies upon practical wisdom; it is established as a habit through practice.

Judgment, or thoughtfulness, was the master virtue for Aristotle from whose exercise comes an appreciation for those other virtues: honesty, cooperation, toleration, and respect. Because young children have difficulty taking up multiple perspectives, as developmental psychologists tell us, thinking and deliberating that require the consideration of multiple perspectives would seem unsuitable for elementary-school children.

Peters offers an important consideration in this regard:. But the difference is always one of degree. Elementary-school students have yet to develop the skills and knowledge, or have yet to gain the experience, to participate in phase- two procedures that require perspectivism. In this two-phased civic education teachers inculcate specific virtues such as patriotism. But at a later stage this orientation toward solidifying a conventional perspective gives way to one of critical thinking. The first requires loyalty; the second, judgment. We teach the first through pledges, salutes, and oaths; we teach the second through critical inquiry.

Have we introduced a significant problem when we teach students to judge values, standards, and beliefs critically? Students need to see and hear that disagreement does not necessarily entail disrespect. Thoughtful, decent people can disagree. To teach students that those who disagree with us in a complicated situation like abortion or affirmative action are wrong or irresponsible or weak is to treat them unfairly. It also conveys the message that we think that we are infallible and have nothing to learn from what others have to say.

Such positions undercut democracy. Would all parents approve of such a two-phased civic education? Yet the response to such parental concerns must be the same as that to any authority figure: Why do you think that you are always right? This, however, presupposes that parents, or authority figures, are themselves willing to exercise critical judgment on their own positions, values, and behaviors. This point underscores the need to involve other social institutions and persons in character education.

In the United States, most students are required to take courses on government or civics, and the main content is essentially political science for high school students. In other words, they use textbooks and other written materials to learn about the formal structure and behavior of political institutions, from local government to the United Nations Godsay et al. The philosophical justifications for this kind of curriculum are rarely developed fully, but probably an underlying idea is that citizens ought to play certain concrete roles--voting, monitoring the news, serving on juries, petitioning the government--and to do so effectively requires a baseline understanding of the political system.

Specific policies should result from a deliberative process to define the educational opportunities that all students must receive and to select appropriate outcomes for civic education — all overseen by a court concerned with assessing whether civic education is constitutionally "adequate. State standards are regulatory documents that affect the curriculum in public schools. All 50 states and the District of Columbia have adopted standards for civics as part of social studies Godsay et al, The logic of moving from question-generation to ultimately action suggests an implicit theory of civic engagement. In the subsequent sections, we examine some proposals for alternative forms of civic education that are also philosophically interesting.

Ideally, the students take their experience and observations from service into their academic work, and use their academic research and discussions to inform their service. Jerome Bruner, the renowned educator and psychologist, proposed that some classroom learning ought to be devoted to students creating political-action plans addressing significant social and political issues such as poverty or race. He also urged educators to get their students out into the local communities to explore the occupations, ways of life, and habits of residence. Bruner is here following Dewey, who criticized traditional education for its failure to get teachers and students out into the community to become intimately familiar with the physical, historical, occupational, and economic conditions that could then be used as educational resources Dewey , Empirical evidence suggests that experiential education may be most effective for civic learning.

To bring them out of this private and passive understanding, nothing is better, as Tocqueville noted, than political participation. The kind of participation here is political action, not simply voting or giving money. Another influence on service-learning is the theory of social capital, described above. If a democracy depends on people serving one another and developing habits and networks of reciprocal concern--and if that kind of interaction is declining in a country like the United States--then it is natural to encourage or require students to serve as part of their learning. Some critics e. We can think of civic action as participation that involves far more than serving, voting, working or writing a letter to the editor.

It can take many other forms: attending and participating in political meetings; organizing and running meetings, rallies, protests, fund drives; gathering signatures for bills, ballots, initiatives, recalls; serving on local elected and appointed boards; starting or participating in political clubs; deliberating with fellow citizens about social and political issues central to their lives; and pursuing careers that have public value. Youth Organizing is a widespread practice that engages adolescents in civic or political activities. That is a cognitively and ethically demanding activity that can be learned from experience.

The most promising pedagogy is to discuss current events with a moderator--usually the teacher--and some requirement to prepare in advance. Debates are competitive discussions. Simulations such as mock trials or the Model UN involve discussing issues from the perspective of fictional or historical characters. And deliberations usually involve students speaking in their own real voice and trying to find common ground. See, e. For instance, should a teacher disclose her or his own views or attempt to conceal them to be a neutral moderator?

What questions should be presented as genuinely controversial? Most people would insist that slavery is no longer a controversy and should not be treated as such. But what about the reality of climate change? John Dewey argued that, from the 18 th century onward, states came to see education as the best means of perpetuating and recovering their political power.

In other words, it is in democratic states that we want to look for the preparation of good persons as well as good citizens; that is, for democratic education, which in this context, to repeat for emphasis, is what is meant by civic education. Creating a democratic culture within the schools not only facilitates preparing students for democratic participation in the political system, but it also fosters a democratic environment that shapes the relationships with adults and among peers that the students already engage in. Real problems, and not hypotheticals or academic exercises, are, Dewey argued, always of real concern to students. Book lessons and classroom discussions rarely connect with decision-making on issues that affect that community.

The experiences that he wanted to promote were those that underscored healthy growth; those, in other words, that generated a greater desire to learn and to keep on learning and that built upon prior experiences. One logical, and practical, possibility was to make the operations of the school part of the curriculum. Let the students use their in-school experiences to make, or help make, decisions that directly affect some of the day-to-day operations of the school—student discipline, maintenance of the grounds and buildings, problems with cliques, issues of sexism and racism, incidents of ostracism, and the like—as well as topics and issues inside the classrooms.

It is not surprising that Dewey wanted to give students experience in making decisions that affect their lives in schools. What is surprising is that so little democracy takes place in schools and that those who spend the most time in schools have the least opportunity to experience it. The significance of democratic decision-making within the schools and about the wider community—the making of actual decisions through democratic means—cannot be overstated. As a propaedeutic to democratic participation, political action of this sort is invaluable. Melissa S. Of course, not everything in school should be decided democratically. There are some areas in which decisions require expertise—a combination of experience and knowledge—that rules out students as decision-makers.

Chief among such areas is pedagogy. Because the teachers and administrators know more about the processes of education and about their subjects, because they have firsthand and often intimate knowledge of the range and nature of abilities and problems of their students—a point emphasized by Dewey , 56 —as well as the particular circumstances in which the learning takes place, they and not the students should make pedagogical decisions.

At the same time, because many students are still children, the decisions that they are to make should be age-appropriate. Not all democratic procedures or school issues are suitable for all ages. Differences in cognitive, social, and emotional development, especially at the elementary-school level, complicate democratic action. While all students may have the same capacity as potentiality, activating those capacities requires development, as noted in the discussion of a two-phased form of civic education. Deweyan ideas about the school as a community live on in several kinds of practice.

First, in some experimental schools, students, teachers, and parents actually govern democratically. In a Sudbury School of which the first was founded in Sudbury, Massachusetts in , the whole community governs the institution through weekly town meetings. Much more common is to give students some degree of voice in the governance of a school through an elected student government, student-run media, and policies that encourage students to express their opinions.

Another very prevalent approach is to support and encourage students to manage their own voluntary associations within a school: clubs, teams, etc. This for Freire is unacceptable as civic education. Too often, observes Freire, students are asked to memorize and repeat ideas, stanzas, phrases, and formulas without understanding the meaning of or meaning behind them. Like Dewey, Freire thinks that knowledge comes only from invention and reinvention and the perpetual inquiry in the world that is a mark of all free human beings. Students thereby educate the teachers as well. That power is to be used to liberate themselves from oppression. Freire worked primarily with illiterate adult peasants in South America, but his work has applications as well to schools and school-aged children.

It is to be a pedagogy for all, and Freire includes oppressors and the oppressed. To overcome oppression people must first critically recognize its causes. Until the oppressed seek to remove this internalized oppressor, they cannot be free. They will continue to live in the duality of both oppressed and oppressor. It is no wonder, then, as Freire tells us, that peasants once promoted to overseers become more tyrannical toward their former workmates than the owners themselves Ibid, Having confronted the reality of the dual nature of her consciousness, having discovered her own internal oppressor and realized her actual situation, the person now must act on her realization. She must act, in other words, in and on the world so as to lessen oppression.

For Freire, to question was not enough; people must act as well. The circles consist of somewhere between 12 and 25 students and some teachers, all involved in dialogic exchange. The oppressed thereby use their own experiences and language to explain and surmount their oppression. They do not rely upon others, even teachers, to explain their oppressed circumstances. The reciprocity of roles means that students teach teachers as teachers teach students. Dialogue encourages everyone to teach and everyone to create together. Because Freire worked with illiterate adult peasants, he insisted that the circles use the ways of speaking and the shared understandings of the peasants themselves.

In the circles the learners identify their own problems and concerns and seek answers to them in the group dialogue. Codifications may be photographs, drawings, poems, even a single word. As representations, codifications abstract the daily circumstances. For example, a photograph of workers in a sugar cane field permits workers to talk about the realities of their work and working conditions without identifying them as the actual workers in the photograph. The circles therefore have four basic elements: 1 problem posing, 2 critical dialogue, 3 solution posing, and 4 plan of action. The goal, of course, is to overcome the problems, but it is also to raise the awareness, the critical consciousness conscientization , of the learners so as to end oppression in their individual and collective lives.

The increased critical awareness enables learners to appropriate language without being colonized by it. True dialogue is for Freire what civic education must be about. If civic education does not include it, then there is little hope that the future will be anything for the oppressed but a continuation of the present. Essential to such education are the experiences of the students, whatever their ages or situations.

Cosmopolitanism is an emerging and, because of globalization, an increasingly important topic for civic educators. In an earlier iteration, cosmopolitan education was multicultural education. According to both, good persons need to be aware of the perspectives of others and the effects their decisions have on others. Should and must civic education incorporate a global awareness and foster a cosmopolitan sensibility? Martha Nussbaum, for one, thinks so. Nussbaum argues that our first obligation must be to all persons, regardless of race, creed, class, or border. She does not mean that we ought to forsake our commitments to our family, friends, neighbors, and fellow citizens.

Civic education should reflect that Ibid, Philosopher Eamonn Callan, however, thinks otherwise. Of course, the danger here is that a liberal patriot may well feel a sense of obligation or responsibility only when her country is committing the injustice. This thought is to be contrasted with our feelings and sense of responsibility when, as Callan suggests, Soviet tanks rolled through Prague. Because, according to Callan, our politico-moral identity was not implicated in the Soviet action, we somehow do not have to have a similar sense of horror and rage.

Perhaps we do not have to, but should we? What, therefore, should civic education look like? It appears that Nussbaum would favor the first, while Callan favors the second. Perhaps these two are not the only options. In her metaphor of concentric identity circles Nussbaum argues that we ought to try to bring the outer circles of our relationships, the circle of all humanity, closer to the center, to our selves and to our loved ones , 9. By doing so, we do not push out of our identities those particular relationships of significance to us. Instead, we need to take into consideration the effects that our moral and political decisions have on all of humanity. If our civic education helps us extend our sympathies, as Hume proposed, and if we could do so without paying the price of muting or eliminating our local and national affinities, then would Nussbaum and Callan agree on such a civic education?

Additionally, we need to consider that patriotism itself seems to have its own version of concentric circles. Is it ever too early to begin educating children about the cultures, customs, values, ideas, and beliefs of people from around the world? Will this undercut our commitment and even devotion to our own family, neighborhood, region, and nation? There ought to be a composite that will work here. If the purpose of civic education is to generate in the young those values that underscore successful participation in our liberal democracies, then the task facing educators, whether in elementary school, secondary school, or post-secondary school, might be far easier than we imagine.

There seems to be a direct correlation between years in school and an increase in tolerance of difference Nie et al. An increase of tolerance can lead to an increase of respect for those holding divergent views. Such increases could certainly help engender a cosmopolitan sensibility. But does the number of years in school correlate with a willingness to participate in the first place? For example, the number of Americans going to college has increased dramatically over the past 50 years, yet voting in elections and political participation in general are still woefully low.

Perhaps public schools should not teach any virtue that is unrelated to the attainment of academic skills, which to some is the paramount, if not the sole, purpose of schooling. If our democracies are important and robust, then do our citizens need such predispositions to see the value of participation? Will they need infusions of patriotism to do that? If tolerance and respect are democratic virtues, then do we fail our students when we do not tolerate or respect their desires as good persons to eschew civic participation even though this violates what we think of as the duties of good citizens? As stated earlier, civic education in a democracy must prepare citizens to participate in and thereby perpetuate the system; at the same time, it must prepare them to challenge what they see as inequities and injustices within that system.

Yet a civic education that encourages students to challenge the nature and scope of our democracies runs the risk of turning off our students and turning them away from participation. But if that civic education has offered more than simply critique, if its basis is critical thinking, which involves developing a tolerance of, if not an appreciation for, difference and divergence, as well as a willingness and even eagerness for political action, then galvanized citizens can make our systems more robust. Greater demands on our citizens, like higher expectations of our students, often lead to stronger performances. Levine tufts. The philosophical questions have been less explored, but they are essential. For example: Who has the full rights and obligations of a citizen?

The Good Citizen: Historical Conceptions 1. The Good Democrat 2. The Good Person 3. Modern Forms of Civic Education 4. This policy of supplying by opposite and rival interests, the defect of better motives, might be traced through the whole system of human affairs, private as well as public. We see it particularly displayed in all the subordinate distributions of power; where the constant aim is to divide and arrange the several offices in such a manner as that each may be a check on the other; that the private interest of every individual may be a centinel over the public rights.

These inventions of prudence cannot be less requisite in the distribution of the supreme powers of the state. Madison, Hamilton, and Jay, Federalist 51 1. The Good Democrat Civic education can occur in all kinds of regimes, but it is especially important in democracies. She wrote, At any time that individuals may gain from the costly action of others, without themselves contributing time and effort, they face collective action dilemmas for which there are coping methods. Some aspects of the science of association are both counterintuitive and counterintentional, and thus must be taught to each generation as part of the culture of a democratic citizenry.

Ostrom Ostrom believed that these principles could be taught explicitly and formally, but the traditional and most effective means for teaching them were experiential. The Good Person The qualities of the good citizen are not simply the skills necessary to participate in the political system. Peters offers an important consideration in this regard: The cardinal function of the teacher, in the early stages, is to get the pupil on the inside of the form of thought or awareness with which he is concerned. At a later stage, when the pupil has built into his mind both the concepts and the mode of exploration involved, the difference between teacher and taught is obviously only one of degree.

For both are participating in the shared experience of exploring a common world , Modern Forms of Civic Education In the United States, most students are required to take courses on government or civics, and the main content is essentially political science for high school students. Cosmopolitan Education Cosmopolitanism is an emerging and, because of globalization, an increasingly important topic for civic educators.

Bibliography Works Cited Aristotle. The Politics , Stephen Everson ed. Battistoni, Richard M. Boyte, Harry C. Kari, Bruner, Jerome, Callan, Eamonn, Conover, P. Benjamin Franklin January 17, — April 17, was an American statesman and scientist. He has also been known as "the First American". He was a very important person in the American Revolution and helped make the Thirteen Colonies one nation. As a leader of the Enlightenment , he influenced European scientists.

He even was the first thing many Europeans associated with America at the time. His successful diplomacy in France was an important factor in the United States' win over Great Britain. Franklin's father, Josiah Franklin, was a tallow chandler, a soap-maker and a candle-maker. His mother, Abiah Folger, was born in Nantucket, Massachusetts , on August 15, , to Peter Folger, a miller and schoolteacher, and his wife, Mary Morrill, a former indentured servant. Ben Franklin's mother, Abiah Folger, was born into a Puritan family that was among the first Pilgrims to flee to Massachusetts for religious freedom , when King Charles I of England began persecuting Puritans. They sailed for Boston in Franklin was born in Boston.

After two years of school he stayed home as an apprentice in his father's candle -making shop. Two years after starting to work at his father's shop, he went to work at his brother James' printing shop. While working there, Franklin secretly wrote articles for the newspaper and labelled them as being by "Mrs. Silence Dogood". He quarrelled with his brother and ran away to Philadelphia, then to London and then back to Philadelphia. Franklin loved books and reading. Franklin, at the age of 21, established the colonies' first circulation library for all interested citizens. He became rich and famous as a printer, publisher and writer. Later, he sold his businesses and became busy with science and politics.

In , Franklin had set up a printing house in partnership with Hugh Meredith; the following year he became the publisher of a newspaper called The Pennsylvania Gazette. In , Franklin was initiated into the local Masonic Lodge. He became Grand Master in , indicating his rapid rise to prominence in Pennsylvania. That same year, he edited and published the first Masonic book in the Americas, a reprint of James Anderson's Constitutions of the Free-Masons. Franklin remained a Freemason for the rest of his life. In , Franklin began to publish the noted Poor Richard's Almanack with content both original and borrowed under the pseudonym Richard Saunders, on which much of his popular reputation is based.

Franklin's autobiography, begun in but published after his death, has become one of the classics of the genre. Daylight saving time DST is often erroneously attributed to a satire that Franklin published anonymously. Franklin was a prodigious inventor. Among his many creations were the lightning rod , glass harmonica a glass instrument, not to be confused with the metal harmonica , Franklin stove, bifocal glasses and the flexible urinary catheter. Franklin started exploring the phenomenon of electricity in In , he published a proposal for an experiment to prove that lightning is electricity by flying a kite in a storm that looked like it was becoming a lightning storm. On June 15 Franklin may possibly have conducted his well-known kite experiment in Philadelphia , successfully extracting sparks from a cloud.

Franklin's electrical experiments led to his invention of the lightning rod. Franklin supported Christiaan Huygens ' wave theory of light , which was basically ignored by most of the scientific community. Only after Young's well-known slit experiment in were most scientists persuaded to believe Huygens' theory. On October 21, , according to popular myth, a storm moving from the southwest denied Franklin the opportunity of witnessing a lunar eclipse.

Of course, Benjamin Franklin Virtues everything in school should be decided democratically. This for Freire is Benjamin Franklin Virtues as civic education. In Benjamin Franklin Virtues Teaching Assistant Reflection, Benjamin Franklin Virtues was selected as a Benjamin Franklin Virtues, in June he Benjamin Franklin Virtues a Justice Reflective Practice In Education the Peace for Benjamin Franklin Virtues, and in he was elected to the Pennsylvania Assembly.